Cognate Objects and the Transitivity Requirements in Kenyang
Tabe Florence A.E.Oben

Abstract
In the generative framework, all finite clauses must project an external argument (a subject) in satisfaction of the EPP. The availability of an internal argument (an object) is constrained by the Transitivity Requirement (TR) hypothesis (Cummins and Roberge 2004, 2005).Accordingly, the object position is obligatorily present in a VP irrespective of the lexical semantics of the verb and unparalleled morphosyntax. In consequence, both transitive and intransitive verbs should project an object position which can be realized overtly or null. Intransitive verbs of complete predication (for example, the fisherman drowned) do not require complements to convey the meaning of the verb. In contrast, intransitive verbs of incomplete predication(such as he died a sudden death) need extra information supplied by the complements to be fully interpretable. Many intransitive verbs of incomplete predication have been shown to display unergativeand unaccusativeproperties in virtue of subcategorizing for postverbal constituentsso-called cognate objectswhose semantic concept is wholly embedded in the semantics of the verbs it governs.Cognate objects of both unergative and unaccusative verbs have been analysed as rhematic complements or adjuncts (Ramchand 2008) rather than true arguments/part of the thematic grid. The argument adjunct disjuncture or both is well documented (Massam 1990; Hale and Keyser 1993; Jones 1988; Mitwoch 1998; Kuno and Takami 2004; Nakajimi 2006, etc.) This paper investigates the pattern of cognate objects in Kenyang, a poorly documented language spoken in South West region of Cameroon. It identifies the cognate verbs and their derived cognate objects, the semantic properties of the cognate objects in parallel constructions in the language and their relevant syntax in typical Kenyang constructions.

Full Text: PDF     DOI: 10.15640/ijlc.v9n1a2